China’s of Growth Path from a Global Standpoint: Friend of Foe? Over four decades after China ended her self-sufficiency autarky policies, the country still finds relatively small acceptance on the major international threats. While most OECD countries have relatively friendly or dependent ties on China because of its growing economic importance, many countries still have conflict with China over various issues, such as territorial disputes, intellectual property rights, and outsourcing of employments. Meanwhile, many third world developing countries are constructing increasingly friendly ties with China. In Asia Pacific, resources, territorial conflicts, and historical grudging are constantly shaping China’s relations with her neighbors. In order to build a comprehensive understanding of China’s position in the world, it is essential to look into the reasons behind China’s relation with different parts of the globe. This paper, while briefly introduces China’s current and historical relations with several parts of the world, argues that ideological differences, economic reciprocity as a result of good neighbor policy, and alternative to the United States are the major causes that dictates international acceptance of China’s rise. As Dambisa Moyo contends in her book, with China’s rapid growth in industrialization and urban middle class, there already exists an unstoppable demand for evermore resources (M, 42-43). China pursued a kitchen sink policy and began to invest in broad selection of resources including coal, solar energy, hydropower, etc., meanwhile actively seeking energy resources that is independent from the global market (M, 60). Though Moyo’s views are overly energy-deterministic, she does convey correctly about the importance of oil to China. As a consequence of the growing middle class consumption, the scarcity and depletion of oil significantly increased. As Dittmer and Yu writes in their book, “given its massive economic development requirements, China’s relations with Africa were founded, on both a broader and deeper political and economic relationship (TY31).” After China realized its energy crisis in 1993, the regime in Beijing has been viewing the world from an increasingly resource-oriented way. This new perspective makes Africa peculiarly significant as an energy source. China’s overtures are also very well received in Africa. Pew survey found that in most African countries, more people view China’s influence positively than make the American ones (M, 167). Above all, the Chinese state owned enterprises’ (SOEs) equity purchase policies greatly benefit the African countries (M, 142). Moreover, China’s policies in Africa are welcomed because of the country’s historical support to the anti-imperialist movements (Lec). Africa were invaded and colonized by the European powers since the late 18th century. After the independence of many African countries after WWII, many countries still are dependent economically and politically on their former colonizers. During the Maoist era, China characterized itself as the leader of the anti-imperialist movement. African countries also tend to agree with China’s non-aligned movement (Lec). Consequently, as Friedman argues, African countries perceive China as supporting their cause, and at the same time they perceive the Chinese anti-imperialist cause as their own. For this reason, China’s policies are more welcomed in Africa than other OECD countries. Moreover, China provides no-string attached aids and investments to many African countries (Lec). In a way, this kind of aids and investments enraged numerous European countries, which use string-attached investments, attempting to make Africa conform to domestic political reform. However, as Friedman argues, the no-string attached investments by China do have significant positive effect on the African countries’ economy (M, 168). The no-string attached investments are also welcomed by the African countries’